(14/09/2012.) The Untold Story about the Horrors of Dretelj/Neispričana priča o užasima u Dretelju

14/09/2012.

Twenty years after the first crimes committed at the concentration camp Dretelj, victims - both Bosniaks and Serbs, believe that their story remains untold.

Following withdrawal of the Yugoslav National Army (JNA) from Bosnia and Herzegovina (BaH), Dretelj was occupied by the Croatian Defense Forces (HOS), whose members were both Croats and Bosniaks from the area of Herzegovina. Starting in spring of 1992 until the end of that year, as stated in the documents of the prosecution, the members of HOS used the barracks as "the prison for Serb prisoners of war and civilians". The military forces of HOS were not active at Dretelj for long. Already at the end of 1992, the HOS members joined either the Army of the Republic of Bah (ABiH) or Croatian Defense Council (HVO). At the beginning of 1993, the tensions started between the ABiH and HVO, which later culminated into conflict between these two military forces. HVO took control over Dretelj and already in the summer, many Bosniaks were imprisoned there.
On Friday, 14 September (2012), the first judgement of the Court of BaH is expected for the crimes committed at the concentration camp Dretelj. The Court is scheduled to pronounce the judgement in the case of Drazen Mikulic, a former military police officer of HVO, indicted of torture of Bosniak prisoners in 1993.
Prior to 1992, this huge military complex, the size of two football stadiums, was used as the barracks and petrol warehouse of the JNA. During the 1992-95 war, Dretelj barracks in the vicinity of Čapljina, were turned into one of the most notorious concentration camps.
During the spring and summer of 1992, Dretelj was used as the imprisonment facility for Serbs from the area of Herzegovina.
A year later, HVO used it for imprisonment of Bosniaks. 
Both of them, a total of 3000 people - were exposed to maltreatment, beating and rape.

"We were beaten by soldiers, civilians, just name it. I was also sexually abused. The prisoners were forced to take off their clothes and give oral sex to each other. They were also forcing us to kiss each other" - says Slavko Bogdanović, who was taken to Dretelj in 1992.
Just a bit more than a year later, Ramiz Šuta was taken to Dretelj and imprisoned with 68 men of Bosniak ethnicity, including several minors.
"They were beating us so much, that I counted on one occasion 16 kicks with a combat boot in one side, and then the same number in the other. If the ribs were made of steel, they would be broken", Šuta remembers.
Majority of the former prisoners, both of Serb and Bosniak ethnicity, hopes that the crimes committed at Dretelj will be prosecuted, so what happened there would never happen again. Some of the former prisoners are not eager to talk about their experiences; they simply say that they are not able to talk about that, as it is difficult for them to go through their trauma again, but they want the perpetrators to be punished.
The judicial institutions in BaH did not have a single final judgement for crimes committed at Dretelj in 2012. The first judgments for the crimes committed at the military barracks near Čapljina were passed by the courts in Scandinavian countries - Norway, Sweden and Denmark. They convicted three former members of HOS.
At this moment there are three ongoing trials for the crimes committed at Dretelj, and one at the ICTY.

Rapes and torture
Following withdrawal of the Yugoslav National Army (JNA) from Bosnia and Herzegovina (BaH), Dretelj was occupied by the Croatian Defense Forces (HOS), whose members were both Croats and Bosniaks from the area of Herzegovina. Starting in spring of 1992 until the end of that year, as stated in the documents of the prosecution, the members of HOS used the barracks as "the prison for Serb prisoners of war and civilians"
One of the first prisoners at Dretelj was Slavojka Frižović. She said to "BIRN - Justice Report" that she had been locked with 40 other women and that she saw that some of them were taken to be raped.
"They come in the daylight to check where each of them is positioned. Then, in the night, they take a key from the guard and take out the woman of their choice. One of them told me that she had been raped. She was crying and was ashamed. I don't have such experiences, but I experienced fear and stress, which contributed to my illness", says Frižović.
Speaking about the conditions of their imprisonment, Slavko Bogdanović emphasized that they did not have sufficient water and food.
"They made me drink urine and eat shoe polish. We were even forced to graze on grass", Bogdanović explains.
 The military forces of HOS were not active at Dretelj for long. Already at the end of 1992, the HOS members joined either the Army of the Republic of BaH (ABiH) or Croatian Defense Council (HVO). At the beginning of 1993, the tensions started between the ABiH and HVO, which later culminated into conflict between these two military forces. HVO took control over Dretelj and already in the summer, many Bosniaks were imprisoned there.
"Some people were killed. Five of those who were with me, died of terror, they could not go on anymore. We were taken every day to the plateau and beaten by the police, HVO ... It was the same every day", says Šuta, who was imprisoned at Dretelj at that time.
The conditions, as described by Šuta, were miserable.
"People drank urine and they also brought us dirty water, and people drank it. Nobody had a blanket under him, and we spent there 105 days. They even forced us to finish our meal for a minute or two - they poured hot food, so people were not able to eat anything", Šuta remembers.
Zijad Tucaković was brought together with Šuta to the camp Dretelj and he stayed at the hangar no 1.
"There were some 300 people inside of it ... We were so overcrowded that some people had to sleep on the beams. We experienced maltreatment. People were falling into a coma of thirst. We thought they would die. One bottle of water was sometimes shared by 20 people", Tucaković says.
Never again
Majority of the former prisoners, both of Serb and Bosniak ethnicity, hopes that the crimes committed at Dretelj will be prosecuted, so what happened there would never happen again.
Sead Tabaković, the president of the Association of Čapljina Prisoners of Camps, says that life at Dretelj was without any value.
"The prisoners did not have any choice. Every fool could do with them what they wanted. Life was not worth a bullet, and the value of a bullet was one Mark... That was a value of one's life", Tabaković says.
Concentration Camp Dretelj, as claimed by the former prisoners, is an untold story. The most of them even today is not eager to speak about the days spent at Dretelj, but they claim that it is of extreme importance that all crimes are prosecuted, for the sake of safer future.
"If this is not prosecuted, I swear to God, that this will happen again, as it will be seen that there are no consequences", Tucaković says.
Janko Velimirović, the president of the Republic Center for Investigation of War Crimes of Republika Srpska, agrees with Tucaković.
I hope that the perpetrators will be punished and that the survivors will see that there is a rule of law and that the perpetrators are punished. In this way, our judiciary would be valued and the events would not be left to some different qualifications", says Velimirović.
In addition to Mikulić, the Prosecutor's Office of BaH has indicted Veselko and Ivo Raguž, former HVO members for the crimes against Bosniaks at Dretelj.
For the crimes committed in 1992 at Dretelj against Serbs, the Prosecutor's Office of BaH has indicted Ivan Zečenika, Srećko Herceg, Edib Buljubašić, Ivan Medić and Marina Grubušić-Fejzic.
Six senior officials of Herzeg-Bosna, a Croat mini-state established during the war within BaH, the trials are being held before the ICTY for the crimes, including those at Dretelj.


Neispričana priča o užasima u Dretelju

Dvadeset godina poslije prvih zločina počinjenih u logoru Dretelj, žrtve, i Bošnjaci i Srbi, vjeruju da priča o njihovom stradanju još nije ispričana.

http://www.balkaninsight.com/en/article/neispricana-prica-o-uzasima-u-dretelju

Nakon povlačenja jedinica JNA iz BiH, Dretelj je pao u ruke HOS-a, u kojem su služili Hrvati i Bošnjaci s područja Hercegovine. Od proljeća 1992. do kraja iste godine, kako se navodi u tužilačkim dokumentima, kasarnu su pripadnici HOS-a koristili kao “zatvor za srpske ratne zarobljenike i civile”. Vojne snage HOS-a u Dretelju nisu djelovale dugo, već koncem 1992. pripadnici tih jedinica prešli su u Armiju BiH (ABiH) ili Hrvatsko vijeće obrane (HVO). Nakon što je početkom 1993. došlo do podizanja tenzija a potom i sukoba između ovih snaga, HVO preuzima kontrolu nad Dreteljem i već u ljeto veliki broj Bošnjaka tu biva zatvoren.

U petak, 14. septembra, očekuje se prva presuda Suda BiH za zločine počinjene u logoru Dretelj.

Sud će izreći presudu u slučaju Dražena Mikulića, bivšeg vojnog policajca Hrvatskog vijeća obrane (HVO) optuženog za mučenje bošnjačkih zarobljenika 1993. godine.

Prije 1992. godine, ovaj ogromni vojni kompleks veličine dva fudbalska terena bio je kasarna i skladište za gorivo Jugoslavenske narodne armije (JNA). Međutim, tokom rata od 1992. do 1995. godine, kasarna Dretelj kod Čapljine pretvorena je u jedan od najsvirepijih logora.

Dretelj je u proljeće i ljeto 1992. bio mjesto zatočenja Srba s područja Hercegovine.

Godinu dana kasnije, tu su Hrvatske obrambene snage (HOS) zatvorile Bošnjake.

I jedni i drugi – ukupno oko 3.000 ljudi – bili su izloženi maltretiranju, premlaćivanju, silovanju.

“Tukli su nas stražari, vojnici, civili, ko god je stigao. Zlostavljan sam i seksualno. Zatvorenici su tjerani da se skinu i jedan drugog oralno zadovoljavaju. Tjerali su nas i da se ljubimo”, kaže Slavko Bogdanović, koji je u Dretelj doveden 1992. godine.

Nešto više od godinu dana kasnije, u Dretelj je doveden Ramiz Šuta i zatvoren zajedno sa 68 muškaraca bošnjačke nacionalnosti, među kojima je bilo i maloljetnika.

“Udaranje je bilo tako da sam jedne prilike izbrojao da su me 16 puta udarili vojničkom čizmom s jedne strane, pa onda toliko puta s druge strane. Da su rebra od čelika, popucala bi”, prisjeća se Šuta.

Većina nekadašnjih zatočenika, kako srpske tako i bošnjačke nacionalnosti, nada se da će zločini počinjeni u Dretelju biti procesuirani, kako se to ne bi nikome i nikada ponovilo. Neki bivši zatočenici ne žele pričati o onome što su preživjeli, jednostavno kažu da ne mogu jer im je teško prolaziti kroz traumu, ali žele da počinioci odgovaraju.

Pravosudne institucije u BiH nemaju ni jednu pravosnažnu presudu za zločine počinjene u Dretelju. Prve presude u vezi s onim što su preživjeli bivši zatočenici vojne kasarne u blizini Čapljine donijeli su sudovi u skandinavskim zemljama – Norveškoj, Švedskoj i Danskoj. Tim presudama su osuđena trojica bivših pripadnika HOS-a.

U BiH su u toku tri suđenja za zločine počinjene u Dretelju, te jedno u Haškom tribunalu.

Silovanja i mučenja

Nakon povlačenja jedinica JNA iz BiH, Dretelj je pao u ruke HOS-a, u kojem su služili Hrvati i Bošnjaci s područja Hercegovine.

Od proljeća 1992. do kraja iste godine, kako se navodi u tužilačkim dokumentima, kasarnu su pripadnici HOS-a koristili kao “zatvor za srpske ratne zarobljenike i civile”.

Među prvim zatvorenicima u Dretelju bila je Slavojka Frižović. U razgovoru za “BIRN – Justice Report” ona priča kako je bila zatvorena sa 40 žena i kako je vidjela da neke od njih odvode na silovanje.

“Dođu preko dana i gledaju gdje koja leži. Onda po noći traže od stražara ključ i izvedu ženu koja im se svidi. Jedna od njih mi je rekla da su je silovali. Plakala je i bila postiđena. Nisam doživjela što su druge žene, ali jesam strah i stres, što je pomoglo da obolim”, kaže Frižović.

Logor Dretelj                                                                     Foto: BIRN

Govoreći o uslovima u kojima su boravili zatvorenici, Slavko Bogdanović ističe da nisu imali dosta hrane i vode.

“Tjerali su da pijem mokraću i jedem kremu za cipele. Morali smo i travu pasti”, pojašnjava Bogdanović.

Vojne snage HOS-a u Dretelju nisu djelovale dugo, već koncem 1992. pripadnici tih jedinica prešli su u Armiju BiH (ABiH) ili Hrvatsko vijeće obrane (HVO).

Nakon što je početkom 1993. došlo do podizanja tenzija a potom i sukoba između ovih snaga, HVO preuzima kontrolu nad Dreteljem i već u ljeto veliki broj Bošnjaka tu biva zatvoren.

“Bilo je ubijanja ljudi. Petorica ovih što su bili sa mnom umrli su od terora, nisu mogli da izdrže. Odvođeni smo svaki dan na plato i tukli su nas, policija, HVO... Svaki dan je bilo isto”, kaže Šuta, koji je u tom periodu bio zatočen u Dretelju.

Uslovi su, kako ih opisuje Šuta, bili nikakvi.

“Ljudi su pili mokraću, a dovozili su nam i prljavu vodu, koju su ljudi pili. Niko nije pod sobom imao nikakvo ćebe, a 105 dana smo tu proveli. Čak su nas tjerali da jedemo za minut ili dva – naspu vrelo, tako da ljudi ništa ne pojedu”, prisjeća se Šuta.

Zajedno sa Šutom u logor Dretelj doveden je i Zijad Tucaković, koji je tokom tromjesečnog zatočenja boravio u hangaru broj jedan.

“Bilo nas je negdje oko 300 ljudi... Bili smo toliko pretrpani da su neki po gredama spavali. Bilo je maltretiranja. Ljudi su od žeđi padali u komu, mislili su da će pomrijeti. Jednu bocu vode znalo je piti 20 ljudi, iz čepa”, priča Tucaković.

Nikada više

Bivši zatočenici, kako Srbi tako i Bošnjaci, nadaju se da će svi zločini počinjeni u ovom logoru biti procesuirani, kako se takvo što nikada više ne bi ponovilo.

Sead Tabaković, predsjednik Udruženja logoraša Čapljine, kaže da život u Dretelju nije imao nikakvu vrijednost.

“Logoraši nisu imali izbora. Dovedeni su tu na milost i nemilost. Svaka budala je mogla s njima raditi šta je htjela. Život mu je vrijedio jedan metak, a metak je vrijedio jednu marku... Toliko je život vrijedio”, ističe Tabaković.

Logor Dretelj, kako tvrde bivši logoraši, neispričana je priča. Većina njih i danas ne govori o danima provedenim u Dretelju, ali tvrde da je iznimno važno da se procesuiraju svi zločini, radi sigurnije budućnosti.

“Ako ovo ne bude procesuirano, Boga mi, može se opet posegnuti za ovakvim stvarima jer će vidjeti da nema posljedica”, kaže Tucaković.

Sa Tucakovićem se slaže i Janko Velimirović, predsjednik Republičkog centra za istraživanje ratnih zločina Republike Srpske (RS).

“Nadam se da će odgovorni biti kažnjeni, a preživjeli vidjeti da postoji pravna država i da se kažnjavaju počinioci. Na taj način bi se pravosuđe vrednovalo, a događaji se ne bi prepustili nekim drugim kvalifikacijama”, tvrdi Velimirović.

Pored Mikulića, Tužilaštvo BiH tereti Veselka i Ivu Raguža, bivše pripadnike HVO-a, za zločine nad Bošnjacima počinjene u Dretelju.

Za zločine počinjene 1992. godine u Dretelju nad nekoliko stotina Srba, Tužilaštvo BiH tereti Ivana Zeleniku, Srećka Hercega, Ediba Buljubašića, Ivana Medića i Marinu Grubišić-Fejzić.

Šestorici visokih zvaničnika Herceg-Bosne, hrvatske mini-države uspostavljene tokom rata u okviru BiH, sudi se pred Haškim tribunalom za zločine počinjene u Hercegovini i Dretelju.

Dretelj - koncentracioni logor - VIDEO

Izetbegović je za mudžahedine bio Abu Izzat i vrhovni zapovjednik (16/08/2017)

http://www.pogled.ba/clanak/izetbegovic-je-za-mudzahedine-bio-abu-izzat-i-vrhovni-zapovjednik/122238?fbclid=IwAR1LqvhjbE94MdeEn9ypEomTjkprDckTwkQSVz5P39jKfvvpyynjNw7MXWc
Feljton je nastao prema knjizi Miroslava Tuđmana “Druga strana Rubikona”, koja u izdanju Hrvatske sveučilišne naklade izlazi 16. kolovoza. Služeći se brojnim dokumentima, Tuđman analizira političku filozofiju Alije Izetbegovića, strateške ciljeve kojima je težio te razloge zbog kojih je izigravao mirovne planove. Knjiga je pretpostavka za razumijevanje političkih i ratnih zbivanja u BiH
Večernji list BiH

Prvi mudžahedini, “sveti ratnici” ili “islamski dragovoljci” došli su u Bosnu i Hercegovinu već u veljači 1992. kako bi pomogli “ugroženoj braći i sestrama muslimanima” u borbi za islam kao društveni poredak.  

Riječ je o islamskim fundamentalistima, profesionalnim ratnicima i plaćenicima, ali i borcima u džihadu koji su u BiH dolazili iz različitih zemalja. Iranski mudžahedini došli su među prvima, slijedili su ih mudžahedini iz Saudijske Arabije, Palestine, Jordana, Jemena, Afganistana, Katara, a najviše vojnoga iskustva i znanja imali su oni iz Egipta, Alžira, Maroka i Tunisa. 

Pripadnici libanonskog Hezbollaha, koji su također imali vojno iskustvo, angažirani su da u kampu Pogorelici pokraj Fojnice obučavaju vojnike, policajce i obavještajce u Armiji BiH. 

S koliko ih je spremnosti dočekala politika Alije Izetbegovića, pokazuje zanimljiv podatak: 104 “sveta ratnika” dobila su državljanstvo Bosne i Hercegovine, putovnice i osobne iskaznice, ne samo mimo zakonske procedure nego i prije nego što je Europska zajednica priznala državu Bosnu i Hercogovinu!  

Preko Zagreba i Splita 

Dolazak mudžahedina bio je dobro organiziran: stizali su u Zagreb, pa u Split, a odatle su humanitarnim konvojima odlazili do sabirnih centara u Travniku i Zenici. 

Jedan od njih, Abu Hamza, svjedoči da su na poziv reisa Mustafe Cerića došli braniti “braću muslimane” i da je za njega “Alija Izetbegović zapovjednik svih mudžahedina”. Osim što su bili važna moralna i vojna potpora Armiji BiH, njima je sukob u BiH bio izvanredna prilika za prodor u Europu. 
Najveći broj mudžahedina dolazio je s motivom da BiH treba postati islamska država. 

Smisao njihove borbe sažeto je iznio Sudanac Elfatih Hassanein: Bosna na kraju mora biti muslimanska, jer ako se to ne dogodi, cijeli rat nema smisla i bio bi vođen ni za što. Hassanein je utemeljitelj i ravnatelj Third World Relief Agency (TWRA, agencija za pomoć Trećem svijetu), koja je osnovana 1987. u Beču kao humanitarna organizacija za muslimane. 

Preko nje se od 1992. financirala i organizirala nabava oružja za Armiju BiH. Novac iz islamskih zemalja dolazio je preko Die Erste Österreich Bank u Beču. 

Kao predsjednik Predsjedništva BiH Alija Izetbegović potpisao je 1. siječnja 1994. dopis predsjedniku odbora Fonda za pomoć muslimanima Bosne i Hercegovine dr. El Fatihu Ali Hasaneinu da sredstvima koja se vode na računu broj 51364476 kod Die Erste Bank u Beču predsjednik Fonda može raspolagati samostalno do iznosa od 1.000 dolara, odluku za plaćanje do 500.000 dolara moraju donijeti najmanje tri člana odbora, a za isplate veće od 500.000 dolara suglasnost mora dati Alija Izetbegović. 

Taj je dopis samo jedan od dokaza da su Izetbegović i SDA kontrolirali i djelovanje mudžahedina i financijske tokove koji su omogućivali njihov dolazak i aktivnosti u zemlji. Izetbegović je i sam bio korisnik tih sredstava. 

Slobodan Praljak objavio je, naime, priznanice kojima Izetbegović potvrđuje da je od Fatiha Ali Hasaneina samo u jednome danu, 22. kolovoza 1993., primio 360.000 njemačkih maraka.  

Najveći donatori Saudijci 

TWRA je od 1992. do 1995. raspolagala s 350 milijuna dolara “za pomoć muslimanima Bosne i Hercegovine”. Najveći je donator bila Saudijska Arabija, a novac je dolazio i iz Pakistana, Turske, Bruneja, Malezije... 

Među prikrivenim donatorima bio je i saudijski emigrant Osama Bin Laden. Dakako, TWRA je bila samo jedna od “humanitarnih” organizacija koja je financirala nabavu oružja za Armiju BiH i dolazak mudžahedina. Mudžahedini nisu djelovali samo kao borci nego i kao pripadnici humanitarnih organizacija, kao obavještajci svojih matičnih zemalja, kao pripadnici terorističkih organizacija Al-Qaide, Hezbollaha i Hamasa, a jedan dio bavio se samo obukom domaćih Muslimana koji su željeli postati mudžahedini. 

Gotovo da nema općine u srednjoj Bosni u kojoj nije bio osnovan kamp za vjersko-vojnu nastavu. Vojno vodstvo Armije BiH i političko vodstvo SDA prešutno je odobrilo formiranje “vjerskih postrojbi”, koje su postale sastavni dio Armije BiH, u nazivu su imale oznaku “muslimanska”, a činili su je domaći mudžahedini koji su morali proći i posebnu vjersku obuku. 

Sedma muslimanska brigada osnovana je u prosincu 1992. radi brzog “djelovanja na širem području Zenice, Travnika i Kaknja”. Bila je najpoznatija i najbolja brigada u sastavu 3. korpusa Armije BiH. 
Od samoga osnutka nosila je naziv “muslimanska” jer su njezini pripadnici morali biti praktični vjernici, oznake brigade bile su ispisane i na arapskome jeziku, a u borbu su ulazili s pokličem Tekbir – Allahu ekber. 

Osim vjerskoga naboja dodatni motiv za ratovanje te brigade bila je i podjela ratnoga plijena, što ju je činilo najorganiziranijom pljačkaškom formacijom. 

Alija Izetbegović bio je počasni zapovjednik 7. muslimanske brigade. U svibnju 1994. dobila je počasni naziv Slavna, a 1995. počasni naziv Viteška. Ta je brigada odgovorna za brojne zločine: masakr zarobljenih pripadnika HVO-a i civila u selu Dusina 26. siječnja 1993.; za uništavanje hrvatskih sela i protjerivanje Hrvata s busovačkog područja u siječnju 1993.; za paljenja i protjerivanja na području Zenice i Travnika u ljeto 1993. godine. 

Niz zločina protiv lokalnoga stanovništva, ne samo Hrvata i Srba nego i Muslimana, počinili su i strani mudžahedini. 

Razlog je bilo “vjersko čišćenje”, a njihove metode ne mogu se drukčije opisati nego kao teroristički čini: zarobljenike su ubijali obrednim odsijecanjem glave. Procjene o broju mudžahedina u BiH prilično su neujednačene. Prema Aliji Izetbegoviću, bilo ih je najviše 300, no Abu al-Maali, posljednji zapovjednik odreda El Mudžahedin (raspušten 26. veljače 1996.), izjavio je da je pravih mudžahedina u Bosni bilo između pet i šest tisuća. Realan je broj – nekoliko tisuća. 

Kako mudžahedini nisu osnovali jednu postrojbu, već niz skupina koje međusobno nisu bile dobro koordinirane, utemeljili su glavnu šuru (vijeće) koja je trebala pridonijeti zajedničkom djelovanju. 

U njezinu radu katkad je sudjelovao i Alija Izetbegović, kojega su zvali Abu Izzat.  

Nasilna islamizacija 

Raspoloženje prema mudžahedinima bilo je podvojeno. Dijelu muslimanskog stanovništva u BiH bili su odbojni nasilna islamizacija i sklapanje brakova mudžahedina s domaćim muslimankama (jer su “sveti ratnici” imali žene i djecu u svojim zemljama pa je zapravo bila riječ o poligamiji), a pojedinci iz vojnog vrha Armije BiH željeli su disciplinirati mudžahedinske postrojbe, ali se nisu usudili suprotstaviti vladajućoj politici koja je podržavala nazočnost i djelovanje mudžahedina. 

S druge strane, mudžahedini su željeli legalizirati svoj status te je glavna šura zatražila od Sarajeva da prizna El Mudžahedin kao neovisan odred u sastavu Armije BiH. 

Zapovjednik Štaba Vrhovne komande Oružanih snaga BiH general Rasim Delić zapovjedio je 13. kolovoza 1993. formiranje odreda El Mudžahedin u zoni odgovornosti 3. korpusa. Tako su strani mudžahedini postali i formalno legalna postrojba Armije BiH. 

Odred El Mudžahedin bio je ne samo dobro naoružana i dobro obučena postrojba nego i snažna vojna potpora i ključni čimbenik u podizanju morala Armije BiH. Fanatično hrabri borci toga odreda nikad nisu odbili ratnu zapovijed.  

Izlazi nova knjiga Miroslava Tuđmana  

Feljton je nastao prema knjizi Miroslava Tuđmana “Druga strana Rubikona”, koja u izdanju Hrvatske sveučilišne naklade izlazi 16. kolovoza. Služeći se brojnim dokumentima, Tuđman analizira političku filozofiju Alije Izetbegovića, strateške ciljeve kojima je težio te razloge zbog kojih je izigravao mirovne planove. Knjiga je pretpostavka za razumijevanje političkih i ratnih zbivanja u BiH

Večernji list BiH

(SFOR media summary, 10/06/2003) Occupation of Franciscan Monastery Scit by SFOR members who detained a number of individuals in the area of Prozor/Rama because of their resemblance to Ante Gotovina

https://www.nato.int/sfor/media/2003/ms030610.htm

Main News Summary Tuesday, 10 June 2003

Topic	Source	Title	Narrative
SFOR	Slobodna Dalmacija	Occupation of Franciscan Monastery at Scit unseen since Partisans burned it downs during WWII	On Sunday, after small children received Communion in the church at Scit, Spanish and Italian SFOR members carried out an invasion of the area of Gornja Rama with helicopters and APCs. SFOR tanks surrounded the Franciscan monastery at about 10.00 hours and wanted to search the monastery and the House of Peace. Soldiers wearing masks, in full combat gear, jumped out of the helicopters, pointed strong reflectors at the settlement, raided houses and detained some men, thus causing great stress to the residents of this area and trauma to the children. The spectacular charlatan behaviour of Spanish and Italian SFOR members caused great damage to the reputation of SFOR and unnecessary war trauma to the local population. They carried out a military occupation of the Franciscan monastery at Scit as has not been seen since WWII, when Partisans burned down the monastery. (p. 17)
SFOR	Dnevni avaz	SFOR looks for Ante Gotovina in the House of Peace at Scit (Teaser)	On Sunday, SFOR carried out an operation in the area of Prozor/Rama with the purpose of arresting Ante Gotovina. Apart from inspecting vehicles and asking for ID cards of the Rama citizens, the soldiers of the Spanish Contingent and members of the Italian Carabinieri entered the yard of the House of Peace at Scit, which is situated in the Franciscan monastery. "SFOR members arrived at about 22.00 hours in full combat gear, wearing masks on their faces and with their rifles pointed. I went outside and asked them what they wanted and who they were looking for. I was told briefly that they were looking for a person that is a threat to our and their security, and they wanted to enter the monastery. I prevented them from entering by saying that I would inform the Vatican about what was going on in five minutes if necessary. They changed their minds about entering the monastery but did not leave the yard of the House of Peace until midnight. I suppose that they were looking for Ante Gotovina. It is bad that SFOR soldiers did not have a search warrant and did not allow us to talk to their commander during the operation," said monk Mato Topic, the guardian of the Rama-Scit Franciscan monastery. SFOR soldiers detained Jozo Mestrovic and Luka Faletar during the operation. "They told me to stop one hundred meters from my house. They checked my documents, and compared my appearance to some photo they had with them. They did not have an interpreter, but luckily, a local chaplain who could speak Italian was passing by. He told me that I would have to go with the Carabinieri and to tell my wife to pick up the car," said Luka Faletar, one of the two persons who were detained in the SFOR operation. He was taken to Camp Butmir by car. "It was almost 02.00 hours in the morning. I made a statement and they concluded that I was detained because of my resemblance to General Gotovina. The taking of a statement lasted for two hours, after which I was taken back to Rama by car," said Faletar, physical education teacher at the elementary school in Rama. He especially pointed out that SFOR soldiers had not treated him badly either on the way to Butmir or on the way back. We learned from the local residents in Rama that the operation of SFOR was still going on. According to Nezavisne Novine, Mestrovic was told that he was indicted for war crimes, after which an indictment against General Ante Gotovina was read to him. After he convinced them that he was not Gotovina, he was taken to another room, where he stayed until Monday morning, when he got his personal belongings back and was released. The same thing happened to Luka Faletar. Mestrovic and Faletar announced that they would file a lawsuit against SFOR for fear suffered, false accusations and violation of their human rights. The same paper reported that the Rama Police Administration was informed about the operation of SFOR only after checkpoints had already been set up in Gornja Rama, which was just before SFOR members raided the yard of the Scit Franciscan monastery. The Rama Police Administration was asked to send one of its patrols. Members of the Rama Police Administration went to the scene yesterday. The police confirmed that SFOR had detained two persons, Luka Faletar and Jozo Mestrovic, in order to check their identities, after which they were released. (Photo on page 3) /The same in Oslobodjenje (p. 6), Jutarnje Novine (p. 3), Dnevni List (p. 9), Slobodna Dalmacija (p. 17), Nezavisne Novine (p. 3), Glas Srpske (p. 3)/
SFOR	Dnevni avaz	No war crimes suspects were among those arrested in the area of Prozor	SFOR members detained a number of individuals in the area of Prozor/Rama on Monday because they believed that one of those detained was Ante Gotovina, who is wanted for war crimes by the ICTY. However, confirmation of the identification of these individuals showed that Gotovina was not among those arrested. SFOR released these individuals after having concluded that none of them were war crimes indictees. The detention was carried out in accordance with SFOR's mandate and was an example of a common and coherent international operation. MNB (SE) confirmed on Monday that its members, in co-operation with MNB (NW), had carried out an unannounced search of the river peninsula Dronjici in the area of Prozor/Rama on Sunday. (p. 3)
SFOR	Oslobodjenje	Weapons collected during Operation Joint Resolve XXIX	MNB (SE) has reported that it carried out Operation Joint Resolve XXIX last week, in co-operation with all MNB members. "MNB (SE) members collected 54 rifles and pistols, 33 hand grenades, four rifle grenades, two mines, 17,305 rounds of various ammunition, 3.4 kg of explosives, and 73 bayonets, home made hand grenades and knives," MNB (SE) reported in its press release, adding that an SFOR patrol stopped a vehicle during the operation, and found the driver of the vehicle in possession of drugs. Members of the local police are carrying out an investigation into this case. (p. 4) /The same in Dnevni avaz (p. 12), Dnevni List (p. 14)/
SFOR	Slobodna Dalmacija	SFOR is proud of operation	Brigadier General Gianmarco Chiarini, Commander of MNB (SE), stated on Monday that he was proud of this operation that was carried out quickly and unnoticed, and that it showed once again the will and the possibilities of SFOR members to maintain a safe and secure environment no matter where they are at any given time. (p. 17)
SFOR	Nezavisne Novine	Milakovic and his associates to be remanded in custody for another two months	"A decision was made on 6 June for Milorad Milakovic, Ilija Gavranovic, Mladenko Rosic and Niko Aleksic, who are suspected of human trafficking and prostitution, to be remanded in custody for another 60 days," Bozo Mihajlovic, the State Prosecutor handling this case, told the paper. "The suspects were to be released today after being in custody for 30 days and at my proposal, they were remanded in custody for another 60 days. The Prosecutor's Office did not want to wait for the last day to extend their detention, which is today, as we have far too much work to finish," said Mihajlovic. (Photo on page 4)
SFOR	Nezavisne Novine	Dragan Vasiljevic: "I was not racketeering, but arranging meetings"	Q: What did they ask you about in the SFOR base in Tuzla, after you were arrested on 8 May? A: All sorts of things, starting from my identity to working together with them. They asked me about Ljubomir Borovcanin and asked me if I was in contact with him. They asked me about all persons from a list of Hague indictments and not only about Borovcanin. I am not in contact with any of them. I have not been on good terms with Borovcanin for more than two years for some personal reasons. (Photo on page 6)
SFOR	HINA	SFOR releases two persons taken into custody on Sunday	The NATO-led Stabilisation Force in Bosnia-Herzegovina on Monday released two persons who were taken into custody on Sunday during an operation in the area of Prozor-Rama municipality. SFOR today stated its troops had arrested two persons, while eyewitnesses claimed the troops were looking for Croatian General Ante Gotovina, a runaway indictee of the UN war crimes tribunal in The Hague. During Monday, SFOR troops were checking vehicles at several locations in the settlement of Scit near Rama, Rama police officials confirmed. The check-up and search of vehicles at Scit was carried out by fully equipped SFOR troops, local police said. The interior ministry of Herzegovina-Neretva Canton, which covers the territory of Prozor-Rama municipality, stated that it had not been notified about the operation.
AF IN BIH	Dnevni avaz	Continuation of English in Federation Army	Yesterday, the Federation Ministry of Defence signed a memorandum of understanding with the Ministry of Defence of Great Britain and Northern Ireland. With this agreement, signed by the Federation Defence Minister, Miroslav Nikolic, and the British Ambassador in BiH, Ian Cliff, members of the Federation Army will continue to receive English classes until 2005. Ambassador Cliff announced that there is the possibility that the programme be extended after 2005, while Defence Minister Nikolic expressed his appreciation and gratitude to the UK for its assistance to the Federation Army in that matter. (p. 4) /The same in Dnevni List (p. 4), Nezavisne Novine (p. 4)/
AF IN BIH	Dnevni avaz	SDS: accuses opposition: RS opposition votes against its own conclusions	Yesterday, the SDS spokesperson, Dusan Stojicic, stated that the opposition in the RS had not voted for the conclusions of the RS National Assembly regarding defence reform, thus deciding to act outside of the RS institutions. He added that such behaviour by the RS opposition was beyond comprehension, especially taking into consideration that it was the SNSD had advocated the reforms and accession to the Partnership for Peace in 1999. He added that the RS Parliamentary session held last week had been an excellent opportunity to achieve a consensus on the matter, but that the RS opposition had not had enough courage to do it. (p. 8)
BIH - EUROPE	Oslobodjenje	Regional co-operation to accelerate BiH's accession to EU	At a meeting held on Monday, the Ministers of Foreign Affairs of country members of the South East European Co-operation Process (SEECP) signed a joint statement, which read that the main objective is for all the countries of the region to become members of the European Union as soon as possible and, thus, fully take part in creating the future of Europe. "The regional co-operation in South East Europe has never been as dynamic and substantial as it is today," said Mladen Ivanic, BiH Minister of Foreign Affairs. Ivanic stressed that the Ministers of Foreign Affairs were encouraged by the fact that the EU Presidency programme, the conclusions of the European Council of March this year, and the recent contacts between the European Commission and the European Council and Parliament, have confirmed that the future of the West Balkan countries is in the European Union. "In this light, we expect that the summit in Thessaloniki on 21 June will be a new and significant step in further strengthening of relations between the EU and the West Balkans countries. We have welcomed the results achieved so far and confirmed the readiness of the country members to increase their efforts in order to continue implementation of necessary reforms," Ivanic said. The statement cites that the SEECP country members are prepared to go on fighting organised crime, corruption and terrorism, which hinder stability and economic prosperity, and discourage foreign investment in Southeast Europe. According to Ivanic, the Ministers agreed to eliminate visa regimes, while still considering the obligations of country members towards the EU. The Ministers also welcomed the accomplishments of the region in all aspects of free transit of goods. Among other things, they discussed the improvement of the current and the construction of new traffic infrastructure, development of electricity markets, recognition of university degrees, and refugees and displaced persons' issues. The next summit of the heads of states is scheduled to take place in Sarajevo at the beginning of 2004. (Photo on p.8)/The same in Jutarnje Novine (Photo on p.4), Glas Srpske (Photo on p.2), Dnevni List (Photo on p.5), Nezavisne Novine (Photo on p.2), Dnevni avaz (Photo on p.4)/
BIH - PARTIES	Oslobodjenje	SDA and HDZ agrees on division of power in Hercegovina-Neretva Canton	Late last night, eight months after the elections in BiH, the SDA and HDZ finely agreed on the establishment of power in the Hercegovina-Neretva Canton (HNK). The future Cantonal Government will consist of four Bosniac ministers, three B-Croats and one B-Serb. Also, the Cantonal Premier of the Cantonal government will be a B-Croat. Unofficially, Oslobodjenje learned that the Cantonal Premier will be Miroslav Coric, Minister of Internal Affairs, Goran Bilic, Minister of Education, Science and Culture will be Zeljko Raguz, and Minister of Traffic and Communications, Stjepan Krasic. As for Bosniacs, the Minister of Finance will be Semin Boric, the Minister of Justice, Kemal Isakovic, the Minister of the Economy, Samir Sunagic, and the Minister of Town Planning, Tarik Djulic. The SDA spokesperson, Elvir Jahic, told Oslobodjenje that the HDZ and SDA had agreed that the premier with the approval of the political parties would propose the Cantonal B-Serb Minister of Health. He added that the final list of names of future ministers would be most likely known on Tuesday. (p. 4) /The same in Dnevni avaz (p. 4), Dnevni List (p. 2)/
BIH - USA	Dnevni avaz	BiH Presidency awaits approval from the House of Peoples	After the BiH Parliament House of Representatives consented to the ratification of the agreement between BiH and the US regarding the transfer of persons to the International Criminal Court in The Hague, approval from the state House of Peoples is also required. "At the moment, we don't know when a session of the House of Peoples at which this agreement will be discussed is going to take place," Dnevni avaz was told in the BiH Parliament. After the House of Peoples gives its consent, the agreement will be ratified by the BiH Presidency and, subsequently, this information will be publish in the BiH Official Gazette. The US Government will be informed of the ratification through the diplomatic channel. (Photo on p.2)
BIH - USA	Glas Srpska	Agreement with the US ratified too early	Momcilo Novakovic, President of the SDS Caucus in the BiH Parliament Assembly, considers that the decision to ratify the agreement between the US and BiH on the exemption of US citizens from the International Criminal Court was made too early. In his opinion, this issue should have been set aside until a conference in Thessaloniki in order to clarify it. (p.2)
BIH - USA	Jutarnje Novine	EU reaction is awaited	President of the Serb Democratic Party Caucus in the BiH Parliament House of Representatives Momcilo Novakovic stated that it was hard to say if BiH would suffer any consequences because it had signed the Agreement on Non-transfer of US citizens to the International Criminal Court with the US. On Friday the House of Representatives had ratified this Agreement. Novakovic said that the SDS and HDZ (Croat Democratic Union) deputies had insisted that this issue be postponed until a conference in Thessaloniki, when more precise and clearer stance of the European Union would be known, but other deputies did not accept their proposal. (p.4)/ The same in Dnevni avaz (p.8)/
COUNCIL OF MINISTERS	Oslobodjenje	Former director of Zagreb Airport becomes employee of BiH Ministry of Foreign Affair	On 1 April, the key partner of Dragan Covic in establishing the Soko Air Company that went bankrupt, and replaced director of the Zagreb Airport, Tomislav Leko, got a job with the BiH Ministry of foreign Affairs as advisor to the Deputy Minister, Lidija Topic. Oslobodjenje learned from a reliable source that Leko was appointed to that post despite the fact that he had not been an employee of the Ministry, nor had he had an employment book. The main reason that Leko got the job was his connections with Dragan Covic, Presidency Member, and other various interest groups related to the Soko Company. Those connections were a sufficient reference for Lidija Topic to hire him as her advisor, and on 20 April she notified the General Affairs Department of the BiH Foreign Ministry about her decision of employ Leko with the Ministry on 1 April. The way he acquired BiH citizenship was also very questionable, and the police made a report on that issue. The Federation Police opened an investigation into the way that Leko's name had been added to the Records of BiH Citizens in Donji Mamici Police Station. Allegedly, the Grude Police Station added his name in the Records of BiH Citizens after requests. (p. 4)
ICTY	Dnevni avaz	Ivica Rajic can be transferred to The Hague	The Croatian Supreme Court rejected an appeal of Ivica Rajic and confirmed the decision made by a first instance court to transfer him to the Hague Tribunal which had indicted him for slaughtering at least 16 Bosniac civilians in the village of Stupni Do in central Bosnia. Thus, the Croatian Supreme Court confirmed the decision made by the Zagreb Cantonal Court at the end of April to transfer Rajic to the Hague Tribunal. The decision of the Supreme Court is final and although the Defence has a possibility of filing a lawsuit based on the Constitution, there are no more legal obstacles to Rajic being transferred to The Hague. If the Croatian Minister of Justice signs a decision to transfer Rajic, the only question that remains is how and when Rajic will be transferred to the Hague Tribunal. (Photo on page 2) /The same in Dnevni List (p. 3), Nezavisne Novine (p. 3)/
INCIDENTS	Oslobodjenje	Mufti Office in Travnik demolished	On Monday at 07.45, a break-in at the Mufti Office that occurred over the weekend was reported to the Police Station in Travnik. The criminal police performed an on-site investigation and established that the windows and lights had been broken, the telephone cables torn up and computers and other office equipment destroyed. The inventory and equipment in the meeting room was either damaged or destroyed. According to the first information, nothing was stolen from the premises, but two vulgar messages, in English and Bosnian, were found in them. The total damage has been assessed at KM 20,000. (p. 31)
OHR	Jutarnje Novine	Ashdown comments on reform of public administration in BiH	Yesterday, High Representative Paddy Ashdown stated that BiH needed a thorough reform of the public services. He added that the current administration in BiH could be described as outdated, too numerous, indifferent and inefficient. He also said that the established inter-ministerial working group would consider the organisation and structure of the public services in BiH, as well as efficiency of the work and services provided by the administration. He pointed out that such considerations might also lead to the downsizing of the civil service employees. He stated that, currently, 64% of the Gross National Product in BiH was spent on politicians and administration, whereas Slovenia spends 43%, Albania 31%, and most European countries spend less than 30%. (p. 5) /The same in Dnevni avaz (p. 2), Glas Srpske (p. 2)/
TERRORISM	Dnevni avaz	Pogorelica at a standstill	According to information available to Dnevni avaz, the Pogorelica case is currently at a standstill. Since April, when the three suspects were faced with Rohan Gunaratna, a court expert from Sri Lanka, the Federation Supreme Court Investigative Judge Mirjana Perisic has not scheduled any other hearing. During the last hearing, suspects Bakir Alispahic, Irfan Ljevakovic and Enver Mujezinovic and their attorneys requested that questions posed by Gunaratna be sent to them in writing. As they did not receive anything to date, Alispahic, Ljevakovic and Mujezinovic have decided to contact the President of the Federation Supreme Court, Amir Jaganjac, and the BiH Presidency members to warn them that this process, in which they are victims of classic political fabrication, has been unnecessarily prolonged. (Photo on p.5)

Back to Media Summary Please Note The portions of articles in this report are summaries from the originals. They have been derived and translated from available open source, newspapers, periodicals, TV and radio broadcasts. They reflect the opinion of the particular media or the media's sources. The use of articles and quotations does not necessarily reflect SFOR's official opinions or policy, nor are they official endorsements of any kind. Any offence is not intentional. The primary objective is to make available a variety of regional media summaries. Produced by: PEACE STABILISATION FORCE; PIO MEDIA ANALYSIS, SARAJEVO NOTE: Your feedback is always appreciated; please contact us at cpic_analysis@sfor.nato.int

(Magazin Plus, 06/2014.) Kako se obogatio Ejup Ganić iz Sebečeva, pored Novog Pazara

http://magazinplus.eu/da-se-ne-zaboravi-kako-se-obogatio-ejup-ganic-iz-sebeceva-pored-novog-pazara/?fbclid=IwAR2CxSTT23zKosT_CehLq0NkK-I6cuy5JisJ7Z99Ot7GZOZAG_L9u4ne6rU

Da se ne zaboravi: Kako se obogatio Ejup Ganić iz Sebečeva, pored Novog Pazara

Na marginama hapšenja EJUPA GANIĆA u Londonu po optužnici iz Srbije, u Sarajevu se mogu čuti vrlo kritična mišljenja na račun ovdašnjeg pravosuđa zbog toga što nikada nije ništa poduzelo da bi utvrdilo na koji se način i čijim novcem Ganić nakon rata obogatio,stvorio univerzitetsku imperiju, uzurpirao tuđu imovinu i sagradio jednu od najskupocjenijih vila u Sarajevu;  novinarka Slobodne Bosne istražila je drugu (sjajniju) stranu medalje porodice Ganić – bogatstvo, raskoš u kojoj žive i uživaju

Drama Ejupa Ganića, koji se već deset  dana nalazi  u londonskom zatvoru, još uvijek traje. Dokazi kojima raspolaže srbijansko tužilaštvo da je Ganić kriv za ratni zločin prilično su tanki i nedovoljni, zbog čega je prije nekoliko godina Haški tribunal sve optužbe protiv Ganića odbacio kao neosnovane. U Sarajevu Tužilaštvo BiH  paralelno vodi istragu protiv Ganića za zločine u Dobrovoljačkoj ulici.

Međutim ono čime bi se domaće tužiteljstvo trebalo pozabaviti, kada je Ganić u pitanju, ponajmanje su ratni zločini. Ganić bi, naime, prema mišljenju dobro upućenih izvora iz Federalnog tužilaštva, sasvim osnovano mogao procesuirati zbog načina na koji je stekao svoju impresivnu, gotovo bezobrazno veliku  stambeno-poslovnu imperiju.

NA PRVOJ LINIJI MANJEG OTPORA
Naime, Ganić je po okončanju rata u BiH uspio izgraditi kuću vrijednu nekoliko miliona KM, školovati djecu na prestižnim britanskim univerzitetima, otvoriti supruzi luksuznu dermatološku ordinaciju i osnovati privatni  univerizitet. To svakako nije mogao od plate koja je iznosila nekoliko hiljada maraka.
Sarajlijama nesumnjivo najviše oči para Ganićeva glamurozna vila koju je izgradio rekonstrukcijom i nadogradnjom postojeće kuće izgrađene početkom proteklog stoljeća u stilu moderne. Ganićeva vila, koja se nalazi u centru grada, u Koševskoj ulici, ima 700 kvadrata izgrađenog prostora, uz pripadajuću, betonskim zidom ograđenu baštu od blizu 1.000 kvadratnih metara. Tržišna vrijednost ove novokomponovane vile procjenjuje se na najmanje  2, 5 miliona KM.
Odmah nakon završetka rata Ganić se po bagatelnoj cijeni domogao državne vile čiji je posljednji korisnik bio Slobodan Ćorović. Prije njega u kući je boravio visoki komunistički funkcioner Nijaz Dizdarević, a jedno vrijeme i književnik Oskar Davičo.

Postojeću kuću, koja je inače bila  model za pokazivanje skladne gradnje u internacionalnom stilu, Ganić je pretvorio u kičerski stilski bastard. Tokom restauracije koju je započeo 1997. godine Ganić je kuću megalomanski nadograđivao i širio, pretvorivši je u betonski bunker. Dimenzije kuće bile su u skladu s apetitima tajkunskih skorojevića. Pri tom, kako saznajemo, Ganić nije imao neophodnu projektnu dokumentaciji niti građevinsku dozvolu. Međutim, kada je vila bila završena, urbanistička inspekcija je tražila da se nadograđeni dio poruši, odnosno da se kuća vrati u prvobitno stanje. Pored toga, i komšije su se žalile da im je Ganićeva kuća zatvorila “pogled na svijet”. Međutim, u Sarajevu se nije  našla ni jedna građevinska firma koja je bila spremna da sruši nezakoniti “višak” kuće moćnog Ejupa Ganića. Da bi sve bilo u glamuroznom stilu, Ganić je dao opasati vilu visokim zidom, sa kapijom na kojoj su postavljeni metalni ukrasi koji su djelo akademskog  kipara Mustafe Skopljaka.

DOM ZA OBIJEST
Zanimljivo je da  vlasništvo nad vilom Ejupa Ganića, čiji je enterijer prošlog ljeta obnarodovala njegova kćerka prilikom organizovanja modnog hepeninga, navodno pravno nije čist. Ono što se prema dokumentima Komisije za kontrolu zaključenih ili obnovljenih ugovora o korištenju stana (koja je ukinuta u janurau 2006.) može zaključiti jeste da je za dio vile Ganić zamijenio svoj nekadašnji stan  u naselju Ciglanama u ulici Avde Hume sa Milenkom Ćorovićem. Stan je dobio od Unisa, u vrijeme kada je bio direktor Unisovog instituta. Ganić je ovaj stan nakon rata otkupio, i to za certificate, za 13 hiljada DM. Međutim, za drugi dio vile na kojem postoji stanarsko pravo vozača u nekadašnjem Izvršnom vijeću, izvjesnog Bajagića, ne postoji dokumentacija prema  kojoj bi se moglo zaključiti da je on zakonito prenesen na Ejupa Ganića.
Nakon renoviranja kuće, Ganić je krenuo u novi poslovni poduhvat. Supruzi Fahriji kupio je poslovni prostor u naselju Ciglane, u kojem je doktorica Fahrija (navodno nekadašnja misica Beogradskog univerziteta) otvorila modernu dermatološku ordinaciju.
Postoje dva izvora iz kojih se Ganić realno mogao finansirati. Prije svega, Ganić je radio na prestižnim svjetskim univerzitetima. Bio je docent na univerzitetima u New Yorku i Chicagu, vanredni profesor University of Illinoisa u Chicagu, gostujući profesor Univerziteta Lomonosov u Rusiji. Radio je kao asistent-istraživač na Massachusetts Institut of Technology (MIT) u Bostonu, te u Cambridgeu. Objavio je na desetine naučnih i stručnih radova od kojih mu redovno pristiže honoror za autorska prava. U Kongresnoj biblioteci u SAD-u (Library of Congress) može se naći desetak publikacija čiji je Ganić (ko)autor. Međutim, autorski honorari su samo mrvice u poređenju s Ganićevim imovinskim stanjem.
Sumnja se međutim, da Ganić najveći dio svog bogatstva stekao zahvaljući Aliji Izetbegoviću, čiji je bio najbliži saradnik. Naime, Izetbegović je imao običaj da svojim najvjernijim saradnicima iz privatne kase, koja se punila stranim donacijama, poklanja novac.

GDJE SU NESTALA TRI MILIONA DOLARA IZ BEČA
Prema informacijama Federalnog tužilaštva, u pronevjeri i zloupotrebi  novca  iz pomoći za BiH, koja je stizala tokom rata, učestvovala je nekolicina istaknutih pripadnika ratnog bošnjačkog političkog, vojnog i diplomatskog establišmlenta. Naime, desetine visokih bošnjaških dužnosnika iz tog vremena nekontrolisano su raspolagali stotinama miliona maraka, od čega je ogroman dio završio na privatnim računima. Federalno tužilaštvo, po prijavi Federalnog MUP-a i nekadašnjeg FOSS-a, raspolaže informacijama koje su sve osobe u tom periodu uzimale iznose veće od tri miliona DM.  Pored Hasana Čengića, preko čijih ruku su prolazili milioni maraka, Tužilaštvo posjeduje informacije da je i Ejup Ganić od donacija iz Ambasade BiH u Austriji  uzeo “za sebe”  tri miliona dolara.

Navodno je Ganić odbio vratiti pozajmicu od tri miliona dolara. Kasnije je dr. Ganić svoje milionsko bogatstvo pravdao honorarima od prodaje njegove knjige u SAD-u. Federalno tužilaštvo, iako je imalo čvrste dokaze protiv ratne i poratne bošnjačke elite, nikada nije procesuiralo ovu bezočnu pljačku, međutim kako tvrdi naš izvor, to nikako ne znači da se to neće desiti.
U prilog tome da je raspolagao velikim sumama novca, govori i činjenica da je Ganić dok se kućio paralelno školovao kćerku i sina na prestižnim svjetskim univerzitetima. Kćerka Emina, rođena u Chicagu, diplomirala je na prestižnom Univerzitetu Oxford na Odsjeku za englesku književnost i evropsku istoriju (1997. do 2001.) Četverogodišnje školovanje (školarina i troškovi boravka) na Oxfordu košta preko 450.000 KM.
Prije šest godina Ganić je osnovao privatni univerzitet – Sarajevo School of Science and Technology (SSST) i to u tijesnoj suradnji s poznatim britanskim univerzitetom University od Buckingham. Nedavno je započeo izgradnju zgrade Univerziteta koja će po okončanju radova biti vrijedna oko 20 miliona KM.
Kao što smo nedavno pisali, na Ilidži je u toku izgradnja dvije zgrade u kojima će biti smješten privatni univerzitet čiji je osnivač Ejup Ganić. Ovaj univerzitet ubraja se u red najelitnijih privatnih fakulteta u BiH, s malim brojem studenata i s vrlo visokim nastavnim standardima usklađenim s partnerskim britanskim univerzitetom. Godišnje se na SSST uspijeva upisati tek oko 70 studenta i to onih koji uspijevaju položiti vrlo zahtjevan prijemni ispit, koji besprijekorno govore engleski jezik i čiji su roditelji spremni za svaku godinu studiranja platiti 10.000 KM. Ganićev univerzitet SSST trenutno radi u iznajmljenim prostorijama Akadamije nauka i umjetnosti BiH. U četverospratnicu na Ilidži  trebao bi se preseliti tek za godinu dana. Međutim ni to nije sasvim izvjesno budući da je upitno da li će vlasnik univerziteta Ejup Ganić uspjeti da obezbijedi bankarski kredit za završetak radova.

Ejupova kćerka Emina Ganić sve donedavno bila je izvršna direktorica Sarajevo film festivala, ali i jedna od viđenijih sarajevskih trendseterica. Prošle jeseni je u  domu Ganića  organizovala modnu reviju kostimografkinje Sanje Džebe. To je bio modni hepening na koji su bili pozvani poznati bh. političari, glumci i pripadnici sarajevske zlatne mladeži.

“RED CARPET” NA BOSANSKOM ĆILIMU
Domaćica Emina potrudila se da ova revija bude jedinstvena po mnogo čemu. Ne samo da je prvi put na ovim prostorima,u duhu pariške visoke mode, revija održana u atmosferi privatnih salona, već je sponzor bio visokobudžetni proizvođač cigareta  – Imperial Tobacco. Ganićeva, koja sebe ne svrstava u pripadnike sarajevski celebrity scene, u svom ormaru posjeduje  zavidnu kolekciju odjeće i obuće visoke mode sa potpisima najpoznatijih i najskupljih modnih kreatora. Svaki komad ove odjeće vrlo je skup i košta  više  hiljada KM. Osim što se snobovski oblači, Ganićeva se tako i ponaša. Prije nekoliko mjeseci izjavila je da ne može u Sarajevu izdržati više od dva mjeseca a da negdje ne otputuje. Po Sarajevu se često prepričavaju njeni razuzdani tulumi na kojima se okuplja zlatna sarajevska mladež i pripadnici sarajevskog jet-seta. Organizovanje revije u kući bila je dobra prilika da se bh. javnosti pokaže bajkoviti interijer Ganićevog doma. Tako su se mogli vidjeti saloni opremljeni  luksuznim namještajem i Berberovim slikama. Inače, odmah po završetku studija  od 2001. godine Emina je radila je kao savjetnica specijalnog predstavnika generalnog sekretara Vijeća Evrope u BiH Sarajevu. Od 2004. godine radi za Sarajevo film festival, a prije tri godine postala je njegova izvršna direktorica.

Sin Emir Ganić, koji važi za najpoželjnijeg sarajevskog neženju, nešto je umjereniji od svoje sestre. Zaposlen je na očevom Univerzitetu – Sarajevo School of Science and Technology (SSST) u okviru Instituta za softverski inžinjering i informacione tehonologije i koordinator je većine projekata na fakultetu. Diplomirao je na Ekonomskom fakultetu u Sarajevu a potom magistrirao na Business School na Univerzitetu u Buckinghamu u Velikoj Britaniji.
Ejup Ganić je rođen 1946. u Sebečevu, pored Novog Pazara, studirao je u Beogradu, gde je i radio kao samostalni istraživač u Institutu za hemiju, tehnologiju i metalurgiju. Ganić je u taj institut došao 1972, ali ga je Institut ubrzo poslao na doktorske studije u SAD. Doktorirao je na Tehnološkom institutu u Bostonu.

Čim se vratio, 1977. godine, raskinuo je ugovor o radu sa beogradskim institutom i došao u Sarajevo, gdje je postavljen za direktora Unisovog instituta. Javnosti je malo poznato da je Ganić bio direktor Unisovog instituta za proizvodnju raketnih goriva, što se kako saznajemo, godinama vodilo kao državna tajna.

Na prvim višestranačkim izborima u BiH, u jesen 1990, izabran je za člana Predsedništva BiH kao Jugosloven na listi  Stranke demokratske akcije. Beogradski izvori tvrde da Ganić ima stan i u beogradskom naselju Rakovica. U njemu je dugo živjela Ejupova bratična, koja je studirala u Beogradu.
Postoji tvrdnje da je Ganić vlasnik još nekoliko objekata u centru Sarajeva koji se ne vode na njegovo ime. To bi se, međutim, moglo dokazati samo nakon  eventualnog otvaranja istrage protiv Ganića.

JAVNO.ba / slobodna bosna
12. Ožujak, 2010.

Sedam dana, ljudi i ćudi

Odakle bivšem članu Predsjedništva BiH, kasnije /pot/predsjedniku Federacije BiH, šest miliona eura, ne bi trebala biti poslovna tajna: ostalo mu od ogromne zarade njegovih knjiga-bestselera o „mehanici fluida“ štampanih u SAD

Ejup Ganić sa porodicom (Foto: Mario Iličić)

Danas je na Ilidži svečano, da svečanije ne može biti, otvoren Univerzitet SSST (Sarajevo School of Science and Technology) čiji je osnivač i vlasnik prof. EJUP GANIĆ.

Ganić je podsjetio da je od osnivanja u ovaj Univerzitet uložio šest miliona eura. Odakle bivšem članu Predsjedništva BiH, kasnije /pot/predsjedniku Federacije BiH, šest miliona eura, ne bi trebala biti poslovna tajna: ostalo mu od ogromne zarade njegovih knjiga-bestselera o „mehanici fluida“ štampanih u SAD.

Ganićeve knjige, samo neupućeni i zlonamjerni to ne (pri)znaju, decenijama ne silaze sa vrha najprodavanijih knjiga u američkim knižarama. Prošle ga je godine za dlaku prešišao James Patterson sa svojim petparačkim knjižicama o psihologu Alexu Crossu; Patterson je zaradio 90 miliona dolara, a Ganić samo koji dolar manje. Godinu dana ranije Ganićevi ukoričeni fluidi u mrtvoj trci za prsa su na policama prestigli Isijavanje Stephena Kinga…

Još jedan pisac naučno-popularnih bestselera golemi novac od prodaje knjiga uložio je u univerzitetsku edukaciju budućih pokoljenja.

Bivši direktor GRASA-a IBRAHIM JUSUFRANIĆ, vlasnik Univerziteta u Travniku. Njegova neprolazna knjiga Sistem i metod finansiranja kao faktor optimalnog razvoja javnog gradskog saobraćaja ni nakon trideset godina ne gubi na aktuelnosti, uzbudljivosti i, naravno, čitanosti, o čemu svjedoče svi relevantni box-officei.

Jusufranićeva knjiga nezaobilazno je štivo u gradskom prevozu, metroima, pa čak i taxijima na cijeloj planeti. I Jusufranić je ogromnu zaradu, kao i Ganić, najprije uložio u svoj porodični dvorac u Sarajevu, a ostatak u naučno-edukacijsko uzdizanje generacija koje dolaze.

Andrej Nikolaidis u prepametnom i savršeno organiziranom programskom romanu Parezija-Odlaganje piše kako je «prvobitna akumulacija kapitala, jasno eufemizam za opštu pljačku. Usljed toga «danas tajkunski portparoli, brižljivo raspoređeni na strateška mjesta, ističu kako su se bogati obogatili zato što su bili sposobniji. Nisu, obogatili su se zato što su bili privilegovani. Otud i njihov prezir prema ideji jednakosti-jer nejednakosti duguju sve što imaju».

Filozof Slavoj Žižek u pogovoru Parezije piše kako bi da ima pravde u svijetu «Nikolaidisov roman trebao biti bestseler, veći od romana Jamesa Pattersona ili Johna Grishama“. A možda čak i od bestseler-skripti Ejupa Ganića i urnebesnih zgoda i nezgoda u gradskom prijevozu, ovjekovječenim u djelima Ibrahima Jusufranića…

(Cijelu kolumnu Senada Avdića pročitajte u novom broju Slobodne Bosne koji je u prodaji od četvrtka, četvrtog oktobra)

slobodna-bosna.ba
03. Oktobar 2012

Istupanje Glumine banke (u likvidaciji) iz društva Eurobus-Soko i prenos sredstava na Hypo Alpe-Adria banku (2006.)

http://sllist.ba/oglasi/2007/federacija/Broj7/oglasi-7.htm

Općinski sud u Mostaru, Rješenjem broj Tt-0.466/06 od 23.08.2006. godine, upisao je u sudski registar ovog Suda sljedeće podatke:

Kod društva "EUROBUS-SOKO" d.o.o. Mostar upisuje se prijenos udjela, istupanje i pristupanje člana Društva. 

Iz Društva istupa GLUMINA BANKA d.d. u likvidaciji Mostar, Ljubuški, A. Šantića bb, MRB 1-3035, i svoj cjelokupni udjel od 1.040.451,00 KM, ili 10% udjela u Društvu prenosi na HYPO ALPE-ADRIA BANK d.d. Mostar, Kneza Branimira 2b, MRB 1-10164, koja pristupa Društvu kao novi član. Nakon toga temeljni kapital Društva je neizmijenjen i iznosi 10.404.491,00 KM, a članovi Društva, ulozi i udjeli su: 

- LVS KONZALTING d.o.o. za financijsko posredovanje, poslovanje nekretninama, trgovinu i usluge Zagreb, Ivana [ibla 9, MBS 080495813, Trg. sud Zagreb, sa ulogom od 6.242.695,00 KM, ili 60% udjela, 

-    HYPO ALPE-ADRIA BANK d.d. Mostar, Kneza Branimira 2b, MRB 1-10164, sa ulogom od 1.040.451,00 KM, ili 10% udjela, 

-    PIF "BOSFIN" Sarajevo, Centar, Terezija bb, sa ulogom od 934.731,44 KM, ili 8,98% udjela, 

-    41 fizičke osobe sa ulogom od 2.186.613,56 KM, ili 21,02% udjela. 

Ostali upisi ostaju neizmijenjeni. 

(SR-509/06-M)